Remarks In Regard To The Distinction Of The People Called Albigenses Or Waldenses.

I deem it necessary here, to insert a caution, which I desire that it be borne in mind wherever the Albigenses and Waldenses (who are introduced as witnesses of our faith) are spoken of, namely, that we here speak only of such people as, besides the confession of their and our most holy faith respecting the points necessary to salvation, were opposed to war, and willingly and patiently, as defenseless sheep of Christ appointed for the slaughter, entered the path of death through manifold torments inflicted upon them by the enemies of the faith, to the glory of God, the edification of their neighbor, and the salvation of their own souls.

It is true, that in ancient histories mention is made of people who, though improperly, were called Waldenses or Albigenses, who resisted, yea slew their enemies; but of such we do not speak here, indeed, all of whom there is reason so to think, we would positively pass by.168

It must also be observed here, that the princes who had taken the defenseless Albigenses and Waldenses under their protection, and even their soldiers, were sometimes (through sheer ignorance) called Albigenses or Waldenses, simply because they protected them. However, of these we do not here speak, but only of those who, according to their confession, lived peaceably and meekly under their protection.

That many of them dwelt, as defenseless sheep, under the government of such princes, and that on this account war was sometimes waged by their enemies against these princes, so that one had to suffer with the other, is evident from the accounts of the ancients; however, we have, to the utmost of our ability, distinguished them; so that as far as we know, not one of those whom we have mentioned as martyrs, had any part or lot with revenge, much less with war.

In addition to this, I will briefly adduce from ancient writers, for the benefit of the truth-seeking reader, several arguments, showing that the Waldenses and Albigenses dwelt defenselessly and in all quiet under the protection of their magistracies; and that in consequence of this, said magistrates were also called Waldenses and Albigenses, and war waged against them; who, when they resisted, were the cause that it was said that the Albigenses or Waldenses had resisted, yea, actually fought.

First Argument.—Abraham Mellinus, from Innocent III., epist. 84, states: That the Pope, through letters, as well as legates, gave orders, throughout France, to the ecclesiastics as well as the seculars, to exterminate the Albigenses; however, Raymond, count of Toulouse had already taken upon him to defend the Albigenses. For this reason Pope Innocent wrote to the Archbishop of Narbonne, and to other bishops, abbots, and prelates, and among these especially to Radulph, canon of Narbonne, and also to the abbots of the great valley, and of Cisteaux, that they should speak to the count and persuade him to persecute the heretics (that is, the Albigenses); but, if he should reject their counsel, that they should excommunicate him; both of which took place. Second book, fol. 449, col. 1.

Second Argument.—Chassanion states: That shortly after the departure of the count of Toulouse and the King of Aragon, the abbot of Cisteaux, first legate of the Pope, sent the bishop of Toulouse in France, to preach the crusade against Count Raymond, and to instigate the whole world against him and his country, saying that he rebelled against the (Roman Catholic) church, and protected all the heretics (namely, the Albigenses) that were within his territory. Chassan. Hist., lib. 3, cap. 10.

Third Argument.—The legate of the Pope summoned Raymond, count of Toulouse, to Arles, indicating that his case (namely, his protecting the Albigenses) would be considered there. When he 294came, several articles by which he was to be governed were laid before him; one of which was: That he should expel from his territories all the heretics (namely, the Waldenses, who lived quietly and peaceably under him), together with their adherents, friends, and kindred. Also: That he should deliver up into the hands of the Legate, and Count Montfort, all those whom they should name to him (namely, those who professed the same belief), that they might do with them according to their pleasure; and this within one year. Chassan., Hist. Alb., lib. 3, cap. 9, 10. A. Mell., fol. 455, col. 1.

Fourth Argument.—Robert of Auxerre concludes his Year-book with the papal excommunication against Raymond, count of Toulouse, whose territory was given as a prey to all who wished: because he was found (says the writer) to extend favor and assistance to the heretics (the Albigenses and Waldenses), and was, therefore, declared a renegade of the faith and an open enemy of the (Roman) church. Chron. Altiss., A. D. 1211, Deceased A. D. 1212.

Who does not see that this Count was excommunicated simply because he permitted these so-called heretics, termed Albigenses and Waldenses, to live under him? on account of which his whole territory was given for a prey.

Fifth Argument.—In the year 1212 the city of Penne, or Pene, in the territory of Aix la Chapelle, was besieged by the count of Montfort; but before the enemy arrived, the Governor burnt the suburb, and retreated with his people into the citadel. Finally the city was taken, and seventy soldiers who were in it (the writer says) were hanged; but all the rest (namely, the defenseless) that maintained the error of the Albigenses, were burnt. Thuan. Hist., lib. 6, A. D. 1550. Forte ex Vincentio Bello Vacensi and Petro Sarn.

From this also it certainly is more than evident that the Albigenses lived quietly under their magistrates, and offered no resistance to the enemies; hence they were not hanged, like the conquered soldiers, but burnt as heretics.

Sixth Argument.—“Thus the Count of Montfort,” writes Paul Emilius, “scoured the whole country, and brought all the cities and castles, especially in Agenois and Rouergue, under his power. Not because they all held an ungodly doctrine (that is, were Albigenses), but in order that they might not be able to protect or assist the ungodly,” that is, the heretics, as they called them. Hist. Gal., lib. 6, in Phill., Aug. 2.

Here it is also evident beyond contradiction, that the Albigenses who lived under those magistrates, did not only carry no arms, but also held a belief entirely different from that of their authorities; for, otherwise they would have called both by the same name, that is, ungodly, but as it is, only the Albigenses are called ungodly, while of the magistrates it is stated, that they did not hold this doctrine; although sometimes the magistrates and the subjects were called by the same name, as has been said.

Seventh Argument.—This is still more confirmed by the words with which the Dominican friars in those times were accustomed to conclude their sermons, saying: “Behold, here ye can perceive, most beloved, how great the wickedness of the heretics (the Albigenses) is, yea, what is still more, they have accepted the protection of the secular lords.” Vinbert. Burgund. Serm., part 2, Serm. 64.

From this, and similar passages which we might adduce, it is sufficiently evident that not the Albigenses or Waldenses, but the magistrates under whom they lived, had recourse to arms and carried on war; hence, they do wrong, who confound the Albigenses with their magistrates, and lay, whether through ignorance or on purpose, what their magistrates did, to the charge of the Albigenses. Their own confession has already been given; in which they confess: That they follow the example of Christ, who exercised no temporal jurisdiction or dominion.

Eighth Argument.—But, for still further proof of said matter, we will add the following, contained in the Introduction to the Martyrs Mirror, edition 1631, p. 50, col. 1: “A. D., . . . there existed in Toulouse in France, the Albigenses, so called because they arose principally in the province of Albi; otherwise they were of the same doctrine and belief as the former (the Waldenses); hence it is presumable, that they were one people notwithstanding that they are called by different names.”

“Baronius writes that their belief, among other things, was: That infant baptism was not necessary to salvation; that an unworthy, sinful priest could not administer the sacrament; that no one might become a bishop, who was not blameless; that no churches ought to be erected to the honor of God or the saints; that confession (of sins) could be made to any one; that it was not lawful to swear any oath, etc.; all of which things they said could be found in the New Testament, to which alone they held.” From Baron., A. D. 1176, num. 1, 2, 3.

Continuing, we find, in the aforementioned Introduction (same page, col. 2), respecting their views against war, and in refutation of those who impute this to them, the following words: “For this reason we must also consider, that when we read here of the wars waged against them, and the resistance which they offered, this . . . is to be understood of the princes and magistrates who took them under their protection; as the King of Aragon, the count of Toulouse, the count of Foix, and others; further, of those who were employed under the authority of the aforementioned persons; but it is neither probable nor reasonable, that such people should be counted among them, who, according to Baronius, regulated their conduct only by the New Testament, which they observed so strictly, that they would not even swear an oath, which is much less than to engage in war.”

This is confirmed by what Baronius says, namely, that war was waged by the Pope and his adherents, against the aforesaid princes, for the reason that the latter would not persecute the Albigenses, and expel them from their territory; but when this was done, after the said princes had been brought into subjection, the Albigenses, he writes, soon became extinct. Bar., A. D. 1210, num. 3, and 1228, num. 3.

This could not have been the case if so numerous a people had opposed their persecutors with force of arms. Introduction, page 51, col. 1.

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